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Suffering In William Booth's
Ecclesiology
by
Captain Andy Miller
III
Corps Officer – Lawrenceville, GA
This paper was published in Wesleyan Theological Journal 43:1
(Spring, 2008), 104-120 and Word and Deed (November, 2011).
This article is republished with the permission of the
Wesleyan Theological Society and Wesleyan Theological Journal.
On a given Sunday a visitor might walk into a Salvation Army
worship service and hear the congregation confidently singing
to the accompaniment of a brass band one of their battle
choruses: “I’ll go in the strength of the Lord / To conflicts
which faith will require / His grace as my shield and reward /
My courage and zeal shall inspire / Since he gives the word of
command / To meet and encounter the foe / With his sword of
truth in my hand / To suffer and triumph I’ll go.”[1]
The content of this song reflects the ecclesiological
self-understanding of Salvationists who, as members of the
universal church, are actively involved in the mission of God.
Proclaiming this dangerously boisterous message is the
ecclesiological heritage
f the Salvation Army. The early Army and its leader,
William Booth, embraced an eschatologically flavored
ecclesiology that specifically called its soldiers to be
prepared to suffer in the dire districts of life as soldiers
of the cross. William Booth explained that Jesus Christ’s
missional mandate to go into all the world meant suffering for
and to Christ.
Though it is not likely that Salvationists around the world
are explicitly concerned with ecclesiology as a study, the
Salvation Army is implicitly acting on its doctrine of the
church, which is rooted in mission. Consequently,
ecclesiological reflection within the Salvation Army must
always consider missional aspects when evaluating its
ecclesiology. Systematic theologian Jürgen Moltmann suggests,
“What we have to learn from them [missional movements] is not
that the church ‘has’ a mission, but the very reverse: that
the mission of Christ creates its own church. Mission does not
come from the church; it is from mission and in the light of
mission that the church has to be understood.”[2]
It is this missional direction which unites Booth’s bold “bass
drum” ecclesiology with his eschatology. “Marching to war” for
the “salvation of the world” is seen in the context of the
holistic and universal mission of God. The influence of
eschatology on ecclesiology is pivotal for how we understand
the mission of William Booth and for how that mission can be
interpreted today. How one views the end dramatically informs
the way one theologically understands the church and its
missional relationship to that end.
William Booth’s Eschatological Ecclesiology
The particular approach to ecclesiology demonstrated in
William Booth’s theological praxis necessarily mingles with
his personal and universal eschatology. He fervently desired
the eternal salvation of souls and the world’s eternal
salvation represented in his millennialism.
To say that William Booth had an eschatological
ecclesiology is to state that his ecclesiology is formulated
on the basis of his desire to redeem individual persons and
the world for eternity, whatever the cost.
Pertinent to discussion about the
ecclesiology observed in William Booth’s theology is the
question of whether an ecclesiology can exist implicitly. Can
there be a doctrine of the church if there is no explicit and
official articulation of the same? If an ecclesiology is
unmistakably developed theologically, is it more faithful than
an implied ecclesiology? Such systems might be so active in
“being the church” that these movements do not take time to
formulate an official ecclesiology.[3]
Through church history the unarticulated ecclesiological
systems have often changed the direction of the church,
systems like Pietism, Moravianism, early Methodism, along with
Salvationism.
Every
ecclesiology is at least partially prompted by its
eschatology.[4]
This statement assumes a teleological model that dictates that
the church is living in response to the way it understands the
end. The church is the visible sign of the present and coming
kingdom of God.
When eschatology is connected to ecclesiology, the church can
see the future victory of God as a reality impacting the here
and now.
During the formative years of the Salvation Army, its
ecclesiology was (as most areas of its development) extremely
practical. Salvation Army theologian R. David Rightmire
explains, “Booth had a functional ecclesiology, conceiving the
church as ‘act’ rather than ‘substance.’”[5]
The importance of personal eschatology, expressed in Booth’s
desire to save souls, was lodged in the concept of the Army’s
universal mission to save the world. This mission was the
“greatest good” of Booth’s utilitarian-like ethic.
“The good time coming”[6]
was the way that William Booth often referred to the
approaching millennial kingdom, a kingdom for which the
Salvation Army was pragmatically and theologically
established. William Booth was a person referred to in today’s
terminology as a post-millennialist.
His eschatological views of the kingdom of God were never more
clearly stated than in the title of his August, 1890, article
“The Millennium; or, The Ultimate Triumph of Salvation Army
Principles.”[7]
In this article Booth asserts:
A genuine Salvationist is a true reformer of men. He alone is
a real socialist, because he is the advocate of the only true
principles by which the reformation of society can be
effected. His confidence for the future is not based alone on
the theories he holds. . .but in that Millennial heaven. . .to
him, the millennium is already, in a measure, an accomplished
fact.[8]
William Booth was working to realize the kingdom of God on
earth. He was a man motivated by the possibility of the
redemption of the world. This motivation was based in large
measure on his understanding of eschatology, which to him was
measured on a global scale with a global mandate.
When ontologically defining Salvationist self-understanding
and its millennial task, Booth explains, “Salvationism means
simply the overcoming and banishing from the earth of
wickedness, inward and outward, from the heart and life of
man, and the establishment of the principles of purity and
goodness instead.”[9]
He understood the millennium in terms of global harmony; the
means of arriving at such a state was through the agency of
soldiers in the great salvation war. Booth commanded,
“Soldiers! You are to do this! [fulfill the prophecies that
will bring universal peace]…. There is but one way to reach
this millennium of peace and good will. . .there is but one
way to the world’s deliverance, and that is by fighting.”[10]
Fighting for Booth clearly meant human agents escorting the
millennium into reality.
As the Salvation Army grew, so did the need for the
institutionalization of its mission and practices. Hence, the
Army eventually became its own ecclesial body, but the core
missional direction still reigned in the Army.
Suffering and the Army
The
ecclesiology of the early Salvation Army is one that called
its soldiers to the world and to a fight against the evil
therein. “Suffering” can be defined as undergoing pain,
distress, injury, or loss. Suffering is something that happens
beyond the norm of human comfort. It is not a surprise then
that William Booth called his Army to suffer for the expansion
of Christ’s kingdom. This theme of suffering is uniquely tied
to the Salvation Army’s Wesleyan understanding of holiness.
When Metaphor Becomes Reality.
In 1865 William Booth found his destiny while preaching in
London’s East End, when he formed
The East London Christian Revival Society.[11]
Later known as the Christian Mission, this group was motivated
to preach the gospel to the poor of London’s East End, a
segment of the population that was generally neglected by the
church in the Victorian era. During these thirteen years the
Christian Mission grew to include 75 preaching stations and
120 evangelists throughout Britain. The eschatological
perspective that accompanied this fledging mission was
dominated by personal eschatology.
In 1878 the Christian Mission changed its name to the
Salvation Army. This change of identity is the first clear
indication of a personal shift in William Booth’s theology,
which adjusted from personal redemptive categories to
institutional redemptive categories.[12]
This new theology is made clear in a popular (and often
quoted) article by William Booth entitled “Our New Name—The
Salvationist” in The Salvationist[13]
from January 1, 1879:
We are a salvation people—this is
our specialty…. Our work is salvation. We believe in salvation
and we have salvation….We aim at salvation. We want this and
nothing short of this and we want this right off. My brethren,
my comrades, soul saving is our avocation, the great purpose
and business of our lives. Let us seek first the Kingdom of
God, let us be Salvationist indeed.[14]
The alteration is most obviously seen in the pragmatic shift
to transform the structure of the Christian Mission to the
military structure of the Salvation Army. When the military
metaphor was adopted, every area of Booth’s movement was
affected: preaching stations became corps, evangelists became
corps officers, members became soldiers, and its leader became
the General. An autocratic form of leadership emerged and,
like a conquering Army, the fingers of the Salvation Army were
stretched around the world. Roger J. Green explains that at
this time Booth’s theology began to move from individual
categories to institutional categories. Indeed, William Booth
saw his Salvation Army as institutionally sanctified to bring
about the Kingdom of God on earth.[15]
It is at this juncture that the universal eschatology of
William Booth sharpened into focus. His Salvation Army was, in
his mind, the vehicle that would facilitate the coming
millennium. Within eight years of the 1878 name change, the
Salvation Army exploded to include 1,749 corps and 4,129
officers.[16]
Indicative of this time is Booth’s commissioning of a
corporate eschatological task: “Go to them all. The whole
fourteen hundred millions [sic]. Don’t despair.
It can be done. It
SHALL BE DONE. God has sent The Salvation Army on the task. If
every saint on earth would do his duty, it
could be done
effectually in the next ten years. If the Salvation Army will
be true to God, it will
be done during the next fifty” [emphasis Booth’s].[17]
Battle images were rigorously employed as the Salvation Army
sought to identify itself along the lines of an army. The
Salvation Army was, as one author has said, a group of
“soldiers without swords,”[18]
whose mission had a singular focus of winning the world for
Christ. Did the military metaphor create its own reality as a
result of the way that its adherents adopted its mission?
Booth and his Army saw themselves in a fight with a supreme
purpose. Within the realm of historical theology it is easy to
conclude that the Salvation Army’s militarism developed an
eschatological ecclesiology that rearticulated what God’s
people were to be about in this world. The metaphor of an army
“marching through the land” created new ways to express the
mission of God. William Booth could challenge his troops the
same way a military general would. Concepts such as suffering
could be explored within the military metaphor in a way that
traditional churches could not.
Calling its members to risk their lives for the gospel of
Jesus Christ could be swallowed within the metaphoric Army.
For Booth joining the Army as a soldier meant a risk; it meant
that in the great salvation war one might sacrifice his or her
own self interest for the greatest good of winning the world
for Christ. In an article titled, “The War Spirit” Booth
challenged his soldiers to consider “the destiny of millions.
. .[that] is hanging in the balance—depending to an awful
extent on the enthusiastic, skillful, and self-sacrificing,
[sic] conduct, and maintenance of this war…. Let us go back to
the example of our Great
Commander-in-Chief.
. .and follow him…. Yours for the thick of the fight, William
Booth.”[19]
Around such battle cries of its General, the Army went to war.
Suffering in the battle was further understood in light of
eschatological rewards. Suffering is often accompanied by
themes of eternal victory. An example of this is the song
quoted earlier, which proclaims that the soldier is to go “to
suffer and triumph”
(emphasis mine).
Suffering for Christ.
William
Booth often described the activity and mission of the Army,
and implicitly its rich ecclesiological tradition, as “the
fight.”[20]
What did he mean by fighting? He explains that “A good solider
is always a fighting man…. Fighting means hardship and labour,
and hunger, and wounds, and suffering, and life-sorrow and
death.”[21]
The suffering in the throws of the fight for the Salvationist
is “for” Christ. The “fight” was a service for the Lord, and
for early Salvationists anything done on behalf of Christ’s
kingdom was worth earthly pain.
Booth was very clear about the perils involved in the
salvation war. In his article “The Risks,” he challenges
soldiers to “Come out and place yourselves, with every power
you possess for doing or suffering at the Master’s feet.”[22]
This statement shows that suffering is done for Christ;
suffering is something sacrificed for Jesus Christ himself.
Often, Booth and early Army writers compared suffering for
Christ to the sufferings of Christ on the cross. An early
leader in the Salvation Army, George Scott Railton, who
officially led the Army’s expansion to the United States,
challenged: “Let cowards seek an easier way / And win the
praise of men / Cross bearing, dying day by day / Is still the
Master’s plan.”[23]
William Booth’s son-in-law, Fredrick Booth-Tucker, wrote a
hymn published in the
War Cry on August 14, 1897, that is still sung today when
new officers are commissioned: “They
say the fighting is too hard / My strength of small avail /
When foes beset and friends are fled / My faith must surely
fail / But, O how can I quit my post / While millions
sin-bound lie? / I cannot leave the dear old flag / ’Twere
better far to die.”[24]
Suffering for Christ also had an evangelistic aim. The risks
of suffering in the fight can help to achieve the goal of
others being drawn to the Gospel. Booth explained, “Whenever
men suffer for Christ’s sake, not only does God draw near to
bless, but men draw near to enquire.”[25]
The eschatological focus of William Booth’s theology was
accompanied by his understanding that Christians should give
of themselves (i.e., suffer) to bring the world to Jesus
Christ.
When comparing the relationship of suffering to the
eschatological task, Booth explained, “Suffering and saving
are terms of almost the same significance in the Christian’s
career. If he suffers for Christ he saves, and if he saves he
suffers. These men [the apostles] suffered for Christ, and
saved with a vengeance. If they had dodged the suffering they
would have never saved at all.”[26]
Suffering to Christ.
A theology of suffering was articulated in 1884 by William
Booth in an article simply titled, “Go!” This article appeared
in the Salvation Army’s international periodical
All the World.
Booth explains that it is the task of all Christians, as
expressed in Mark 16:15, to “Go into all the world.” He
explains that “Going meant
suffering to Christ:
it meant this to the Apostles. They went to the world: this
meant going to scorn, poverty, stripes, imprisonment,
death—cruel deaths. If you go, you will have to suffer; there
is no other way of going.”[27]
What is implied by the three words “suffering to Christ”?
In this quote William Booth explains that intrinsic to
Christian life is suffering. When Christ called his followers
to “go,” he expected that they would suffer because of their
going. Hence,
Jesus thought going into the world meant suffering for the
person who answered the call. Just as going meant suffering to
the disciples, going meant suffering to Jesus. Booth
demonstrates how the apostles followed this call and
Salvationists should expect to find the same suffering along
their way. The metaphor of a Salvation Army enabled the reader
to understand the seriousness of Jesus’ call.
Another way to understand William Booth’s challenge in this
article is through Booth’s social theology that valued all of
humanity as created in the image of God. “Going” then means
serving Christ in the form of hurting individuals. If the
Spirit of Christ resides in individual Salvationists, then
Christ suffers with these individuals. Conversely, if the
people the Army serves in the “slums” cause soldiers to
suffer, then their suffering is to Christ. Booth saw
his service not only for Christ, but to Christ
as well. When Christian soldiers are serving their neighbors,
they are serving Christ.
For such a mandate consider Jesus’ words in Matthew
25:40, “just
as you did it to one of the least of these who are members of
my family, you did it to me” (NRSV).
Catherine Booth, who has been called the “cofounder”[28]
of the Salvation Army, also recognized the significance of
suffering with the poor: “Oh, for grace always to see Him
where He is to be seen, for verily, flesh and blood doth not
reveal this unto us! Well … I keep seeing Him risen again in
the forms of drunkards and ruffians of all descriptions.”[29]
In the same way,
Jesus’ parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:29-37) redefines
the way that humanity looks at “neighbors.” William Booth
recognized the importance of this passage for early Salvation
Army hospitality ministries as he framed this pericope in
sacramental terms, (which is somewhat ironic for a
non-practicing-sacramental denomination), by urging soldiers
“to observe continually the sacrament of the Good Samaritan.”[30]
Such an incarnational perspective shaped a distinct missional
ecclesiology. Similarly, Bramwell Booth illustrated:
When I see the poor, shivering creatures gathered in the
warmth and comfort of our Shelters, and the famished ones in
the Food Depots, and the workless hard at work, and the lost
and lonely in the bright hopefulness of the Women’s and
Children Homes, and the prisoners—set in happy families in our
Harbours of Refuge, my heart sings for joy, and I say, “Is
not this the Christ come again?” If he came now to London
and Boston and New York and Melbourne and Tokio [sic], as He
came to Jerusalem and Nazareth and Caesarea, would He not want
to do exactly this? I believe He would![31]
“Suffering to Christ” is a theme that encapsulates William
Booth’s ecclesiology in a unique and powerful way. Suffering
was an intrinsic aspect of the identity of Salvationists.
Booth saw this as a call of Christ, and his incarnational Army
saw the need of seeing Christ in those whom they served. If
one was merely called to suffer “for” Christ, then obligation
might overcast a call that is vital to the Salvationist’s
identity. Instead, Salvationists suffered because they were
Christians; they suffered because they served others as if
they were Christ himself. [2014 retrospect-This interpretation
arose because I misread this article and its awkward grammar,
still it did provide a way to understand how early
Salvationist utilized passages like Matthew 25:40.]
Suffering Salvationists.
The stark change that occurred in the lives of sinners who
joined the ranks of the Salvation Army had an impact on social
and economic factors of many given areas. The business of bars
and pubs dropped drastically with the absence of their best
customers who were now abstaining soldiers.[32]
There are many incidents in the Army’s history of mobs forming
to combat its open-air meetings In the 1880s, opposition
groups were organized and often called
Skeleton Armies.[33]
Often the Skeleton
constituents were the bar managers and brewers of a given
town. In one case the
Skeletons were a full fledged copy of the Salvation Army
soldiers with their own uniforms, flags, and bass drums. In
1882, at the height of the Army’s expansion, the Army
officially noted that 669 soldiers and officers had been
“knocked down, kicked, or otherwise brutally assaulted,” forty
percent of these people being women and children.[34]
The salvation war produced two
persons promoted to glory, two martyrs, Captain Sarah
Broadbent and Captain Susan Beaty. In 1884, while serving in
Worthing, Broadbent decided to hold a prayer meeting instead
of an open air meeting since the open airs had caused
pandemonium in her town. That evening the mobs were surprised
not to find the local corps in the streets. Sandall described
tragic events that followed: “[The opposition group] marched
to Showham [the location of the corps in the town], smashed
all the windows of the corps hall there, and in the course of
the rioting the officer in charge (Captain Sarah J. Broadbent)
received her death-blow from a flying stone.”[35]
Beaty’s promotion was more gradual. In the midst of a mob
attack in Hastings, she was repeatedly kicked; her death in
1889 was said to have been caused by internal injuries from
the incident.[36]
Throughout the next several years Salvationists sustained
multiple injuries in the heat of the battle--from Samuel Logan
Brengle, who was sidelined for being hit in the head by a
brick, to Major Euguen Nsingaini who in 1998, during his
country’s civil war, was gunned down in the Congo because of
his participation in a peace initiative.[37]
If there is any theological way of understanding this
commitment to the battle, it is through the Salvation Army’s
Wesleyan roots. The passionate way that Salvationists lived
and proclaimed the doctrine of holiness sustained them during
the fight. The Army took the torch from John Wesley, who had
understood that holiness was social and personal. Totally
loving God and neighbor was possible only through the
sanctifying power of the Holy Spirit. Brengle appropriately
underscores a Salvationist ecclesiology of suffering when he
said the Lord’s “greatest servants have often been the
greatest sufferers. They have gathered up in themselves and
endured all the pains and woes, sorrows and agonies, fierce
and cruel martyrdoms of humanity, and so have been able to
minister to all its vast and pitiful needs, and comfort its
voiceless sorrow.”[38]
Evaluating the Army’s Ecclesiology
William Booth’s ecclesiology was one that dramatically called
the church to consider its call to mission and expect to
suffer while going about that mission. Such an ecclesiological
understanding was developed as the eschatologically focused
Army understood itself to be in a battle to save the world.
The kingdom of Christ and the gospel of that kingdom found a
new expression in Booth’s Salvation Army. When looking
critically at the life of William Booth, it is easy to see
that he was an imperfect man. His autocratic leadership was a
weakness that expressed itself in poor relationships with
three of his children who left the ministry of the Salvation
Army. Another weakness is that at times his eschatology verged
on viewing the Army as the sole agent for bringing in the
millennium.
Theologically, there are many ways that Booth was “rough
around the edges.” One area, however, where he was
theologically on target was his ecclesiology. His doctrine of
the church incorporated the place of the church as a restoring
agent in the world. This eschatologically motivated
ecclesiology, which called people to suffer for Christ, is a
rich theological heritage that the contemporary Army has
inherited. Evaluating William Booth’s ecclesiology today is a
task that is of great significance for the contemporary
Salvation Army as it seeks an historically informed mission.
Scholars of the Salvation Army often assume that, because
Booth’s ecclesiology was conditioned by his eschatology, his
ecclesiology was insufficient. This study is a call for a
revision of the Salvation Army’s historiography.
Contemporary scholars do not always view the impact of William
Booth’s eschatology in a positive light. Some assume that his
eschatology, particularly his understanding of the millennium,
created a deficient ecclesiology. Such a position is taken by
Salvation Army scholar Roger Green[39]
who concludes that the contemporary Salvation Army has
inherited a “weak ecclesiology.”[40]
He asserts that Booth’s ecclesiology was weak for two reasons:
his postmillennialism and the distancing of the Army from the
institutional church after the failed merger with the Church
of England. The latter claim is not being challenged here;
rather, the question is Green’s claim that Booth’s
postmillennialism contributed to a weak ecclesiology. Green
states: “Postmillennial theology does not comport well with a
strong ecclesiology, especially when one’s doctrine of the
Church is seen primarily through Army lenses.”[41]
A definition is needed for the term “weak.” It appears that
Green is suggesting that “weak” is a lack of strength. His
argument that the contemporary Army has inherited a weak
ecclesiology seems to have two points of contention. His first
argument is that postmillennialism does not create a lasting
ecclesiology because it supposedly did not plan for the
future. His second argument is that Booth was ecclesiastically
inconsistent in his definitions of the Army’s raison d’ete.
Green’s second claim demands a distinction between
ecclesiastical structures and ecclesiology. Booth was
inconsistent when speaking ecclesiastically. His unpredictable
ecclesiastic language refers more to the organization of the
movement, whereas, suggesting that Booth possessed a “weak
ecclesiology” is proposing that he had an incomplete doctrine
of the church. Green’s final point of argument is that Booth’s
ecclesiology is weak because it de-emphasized ecclesiastical
structures. In fact, Booth was proposing an alternative
structure that was far more effective than the ecclesiastical
structures of his day.
The pragmatically-minded William Booth saw a great
eschatological goal. That goal was saving the world. Despite
Green’s claim that postmillennialism does not comport well
with a sturdy ecclesiology, the opposite can be seen in the
denominations that were birthed as a result of the
nineteenth-century holiness revival.[42]
For instance, the Wesleyan and Free Methodist churches were
born out of desire to see ecclesiology matched with mission in
the world. These denominations are noted for their stands
against slavery.
William Booth was continually defining the early Army, his
letters and sermons giving regular emphasis (sometimes overemphasis)
to what it meant to be a Salvationist. This provided an
ecclesial self-understanding for the young Army. An implicit
ecclesiology that lacks classical formulation does not
necessarily mean a “weak” ecclesiology. Booth’s writings are
saturated with ecclesiological statements concerning the
mission and aims of the Army. What is implicit is direct
theological definition about ecclesiology. His inconsistent
ecclesiastical jargon does not negate the content and
missional purpose of those statements.
Sociologically this creates difficulties in identifying the
Salvation Army as a “church” or “sect” along the lines of the
typology of Ernst Troeltsch and others. Sociological
difficulties do not, however, necessitate theological
deficiency.[43]
At the forefront of Roger Green’s argument is his desire to
see the Army move toward church-like categories. Green notes,
“I have long been convinced that the only way to approach a
correct historical analysis that leads to a truthful
institutional self-understanding is to impose the sect/church
distinctions developed in the discipline of sociology upon
ourselves.”[44]
He then encourages Salvationists to accept the “historical
fact” that the Army has moved from being a sect to a church
and should hence evaluate what sectarian distinctives should
be maintained.[45]
In contrast to Green, I assert the following.
Missionally-directed movements are not governed by sociology;
they are motivated by God’s word, which challenges them to be
an active body “preaching the Gospel of Jesus Christ and
meeting human needs in his name without discrimination.”[46]
When mission directs the church, it forms an alternative
ecclesiology that is often more in tune with Scripture than
the sociologically classified “church” or “denomination.”
To criticize William Booth’s
ecclesiology as “weak” is to force his missionally-directed
movement into a box of intellectual abstractions. Booth’s
ecclesiology was missional. He was unconcerned with
theological abstractions and discussions. Philip Needham’s
book Community in
Mission rightly places a Salvationist ecclesiology in the
context of mission. The ecclesiological thesis of this work is
that “a Salvationist ecclesiology stands as a reminder to the
Church that its mission in the world is primary and that the
life of the Church ought largely to be shaped by a basic
commitment to mission.”[47]
A missional ecclesiology is exactly where the Army should be
if it is to be at all true to its historical and theological
heritage.
Because Green uses the term “weak,” it is difficult to
distinguish what ecclesiology he is assuming to be adequate
for the contemporary Salvation Army. He maintains that the
Salvation Army must embrace a view of history that is
different from Booth’s postmillennialism.[48]
He proposes that the Army shed any trace of postmillennialism
and suggests that Salvationists embrace the biblical language
of the Kingdom of God when looking at history. This proposal
is warmly welcomed, for such language is indeed something that
the contemporary Army should embrace, but the spirit of
William Booth’s millennialism is not to be set against this
language. When moving toward the future, the Army must
evaluate its heritage in order to progress with historically
directed confidence. It seems that the ecclesiological
heritage that William Booth fashioned for his Army is
something that should be maintained. Why? Because this
ecclesiology keeps the Salvation Army focused on mission and
keeps alive and inter-related the themes of suffering and
holiness.
Conclusion
William Booth’s functional, biblically based, missional
ecclesiology was formed alongside the metaphor of an Army.
This metaphor created new ways for the mission of God to be
expressed in the world, particularly as it related to
suffering. Booth called the Salvation Army to suffer as it
lived out its ecclesiology; suffering went hand in hand with
being a soldier. The pulse of this ecclesiology was William
Booth’s eschatology. His impassioned desire to win the world
for Jesus produced a missional ecclesiology. He saw the church
as necessarily active, commenting: “…there can be no question
that it is of God that those who are on the Lord’s side should
aim at this great and godlike purpose [defeat the devil and
deliver souls from hell], and direct and devote all their
energies to its accomplishment.”[49]
The question is not whether the Army has a “weak” or “strong”
ecclesiology, but whether it is faithful to Jesus and the
gospel of his kingdom and whether it is functional today. The
contemporary Salvation Army has inherited an ecclesiology from
William Booth that is faithful in these things—this legacy is
worthy of the Army’s time and celebration.
[1]
Edward Turney, “I’ll Go in the Strength of the Lord,”
The Song Book of The Salvation Army (London:
The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 1987),
202.
[2]
Jürgen Moltmann,
The Church in
the Power of the Spirit (New York: Harper and Row,
1975), 10.
[3]
Such ecclesiologies then come close to what Stanley
Hauerwas and William H. Willimon urge the church to
pursue in their landmark book
Resident Aliens (Nashville:
Abingdon, 1989), where they challenge the church to be
an alternative community to the world that embodies
what being the church truly means. They challenge the
Christian community to “serve the world by showing it
something that it is not, namely, a place where God is
forming a family out of strangers.”
Resident
Aliens, 83.
[4]
This is a debated point. Some churches seem to be
motivated by nothing but maintaining the
status
quo.
A state church ecclesiologiesare often
motivated by an eschatological system that might seek
to maintain or justify the
status quo.
This might reflect a realized
eschatology. A realized eschatology views the first
coming of Jesus Christ as inaugurating his kingdom.
This kingdom is merely a spiritual or existential
reality within the hearts of the believers or the
church.
[5]
R. David Rightmire, Sacraments and the Salvation
Army: Pneumatological Foundations (The
Scarecrow Press, 1990), 79.
[6]
William Booth, “The Millennium; or, The Ultimate
Triumph of Salvation Army Principles.” All The
World 6 (August, 1890), 337.
[7]
William Booth, “The Millennium,” 337-343.
[8]
William Booth, “The Millennium,”
343.
[9]
William Booth, “Fight!”,
All The World 1
(May 1885):112-114, 111.
[10]
William Booth, “Universal Peace. A Christmas Address.”
The War Cry 2
(December 1881), 4.
[11]
Also referred to as The East London Christian Revival
Union or East London Christian Mission. These names
appeared interchangeably in the formative years of the
movements. See Rightmire, 28-29n. and John R Rhemick,
A New People of God: A Study in Salvationism
(Des Plaines, ILL: The Salvation Army, 1993), 17.
[12]
That is to say that the Salvation Army was viewed by
William Booth as institutionally sanctified to bring
redemption to the world. Roger Green explains that
these “institutional” categories were “sustained by
his [Booth’s] belief that The Salvation Army was
divinely ordained, and that it was a renewal in the
nineteenth century and twentieth century of the Church
of the New Testament, the early Church, the
Reformation
Church, and the Wesleyan
revival.” War
on Two Fronts: The Redemptive Theology of William
Booth (Atlanta: The Salvation Army, 1989), 54-55.
[13]
It should be noted that this was written in connection
with the change of name of the Army’s journal from
The Christian Mission Magazine to The
Salvationist.
[14]
William Booth, “Our New Name—The Salvationist,” found
in The Founder Speaks Again: A Selection of the
Writings of William Booth (London: The Salvation
Army, 1960), 45-48.
[15]
See William Booth’s article “The Millennium,” 341. In
this article Booth paints a picture of the coming
millennial kingdom that envisions London as the New
Jerusalem.
[16]
Robert Sandal, The History of The Salvation Army.
7 vols. (London: The Salvation Army, 1947-1966, vols.
1-3 by Sandal, vols. 4-5 by Arch Wiggins, vol. 6 by
Fredrick Coutts, vol. 7 by Henry Gariepy), 2:338.
[17]
William Booth, “Go!”
All the World
(November, 1884) found in
The General’s
Letters, 1885 (London: International Headquarters,
1890), 7. This demonstrates an amazing parallel
between Booth and Charles G. Finney, particularly
Finney’s claim in 1835 that if the church does its job
the millennium could come in three years.
[18]
Herbert Andrew Wisby,
Soldiers
without Swords (New York: Macmillan, 1955).
[19]
William Booth,
The General’s Letter, 73.
[20]
References to this claim are abounding. See his
statement in the
Salvation
Soldiery, 53; The Article entitled “Fight!”
All The World 1
(May 1885): 112-114.
[21]
Booth,
Salvation Soldiery: A Series of Addresses on the
Requirements of Jesus Christ’s Service (London:
The Salvation Army, 1889), 53.
[22]
Booth,
The General’s
Letters, 1885 (London: International Headquarters,
1890), 20.
[23]
Quoted in Allen Satterlee,
Notable
Quotables: A Compendium of Gems from Salvation Army
Literature (Atlanta: The Salvation Army, 1985),
211.
[24]
Fredrick Booth-Tucker, “They Bid Me Choose an Easier
Path,” The Song Book of The Salvation Army
(London: The Salvation Army International
Headquarters, 1987), 215.
[25]
Booth,
Salvation Soldiery, 44.
[26]
Booth, The
General’s Letters, 5.
[27]
William Booth,
The General’s Letters, 5.
[28]
See Roger J. Green,
Catherine
Booth: Cofounder of the Salvation Army (Grand
Rapids: Baker, 1996).
[29]
Catherine Booth, quoted in Bramwell Booth,
These Fifty
Years (London: Cassel, 1929), 45-46.
[30]
William Booth, quoted in
Sandall, The
History of The Salvation Army, 3:59;
Fairbank,
Booth’s Boots:
Social Service Beginnings in The Salvation Army
(London: The Salvation Army, 1983), 184;
Philip Needham, “Towards A Re-Integration of
the Salvationist Mission,” in
Creed and Deed:
Toward a Christian Theology of Social Services in The
Salvation Army, ed. Waldron (Oakville, Ontario:
The Salvation Army, 1986), 14.
[31]
Bramwell Booth: Papers on Life and Religion
(London: The Salvation Army, 1920), 125.
[32]
See Sandall,
The History of the Salvation Army, 2:170-198.
[33]
For more information on these groups, see Glen K.
Horridge, The
Salvation Army Origins and Early Days: 1865-1900
(Surrey: Ammonite, 1993), 92-100. He explains that an
opposition group in Whitechapel called themselves the
Unconverted
Salvation Army. Similarly in
Guildford, a group called itself the “Red
(-Nose) Army.”
[34]
Sandall, The
History of the Salvation Army, 2:181. Sandall
explains that these numbers are likely incomplete.
[35]
Sandall, The History of the Salvation Army, 2:180-181.
[36]
See Pamela J. Walker, Pulling the Devil’s Kingdom
Down: The Salvation Army in Victorian Britain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 224-227.
[37]
The Officer (December, 1998).
[38]
Samuel Logan Brengle, quoted in Sally Chesham, Peace
Like a River (Atlanta: The Salvation Army, 1981), 123.
[39]
The scholarship of Roger Green has been very important
to me. Many Salvationists around the world are the
beneficiaries of his research. The discussion that
follows does not reduce my admiration for his
scholarship.
[40]
Roger J. Green, “Facing History: Our Way Ahead for a
Salvationist Theology.”
Word and Deed
1:2 (May, 1999): 23-39, 29.
[41]
Roger Green, “Facing History: Our Way Ahead for a
Salvationist Theology,” 29.
[42]
See Donald Dayton,
Discovering an
Evangelical Heritage (Hendrickson Publishers,
1976).
[43]
See Roland Robertson’s helpful study of the Salvation
Army using this typology in “The Salvation Army: the
Persistence of Sectarianism,” in Brian R. Wilson, ed.
Patterns of
Sectarianism (London: Heinemann Educational Books,
1967), 49-105; Andrew Mark Eason, “The Salvation Army
in Late-Victorian Britain: The Convergence of Church
and Sect,” Word
and Deed 5:2 (May 2003): 29-50.
[44]
Green, “Facing History,” 29.
[45]
The chief sectarian distinction Green opposes is
postmillennialism. He maintains that the Army should
retain wearing the uniform as a symbol of the
sacramental life. See Green, “Facing History,” 30-31.
[46]
The Salvation Army 2004 Year Book (London: The Salvation Army International
Headquarters, 2004), iii.
[47]
Philip Needham,
Community in Mission: A Salvationist Ecclesiology
(Atlanta: The Salvation Army Supplies, 1987), 4-5.
[48]
Green illustrates, “The postmillennial theology of the
Booth’s simply will not do here [when trying to posit
an understanding of the future].” “Facing History,”
36.
[49]
William Booth, “A Good Soldier of Jesus
Christ,” The
Founder Speaks Again (London: The Salvation Army,
1960), 49.
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