|
Leadership in The Salvation Army A Case Study in
Clericalisation
by Harold Hill
Officers
of my vintage were simply commissioned but after 1978 officers
were ordained as well. What does that mean? And does it
matter? My endeavour to answer these questions led to a
four-year research project and some conclusions which I shall
attempt to summarise in this article. The answers lie at least
in part in the process of institutionalisation which affects
all enterprises, including movements of the Spirit, in the
course of which roles which begin as simply functional
gradually assume significance as status. In this The Salvation
Army has recapitulated in microcosm the history of the church
as a whole.
While the charismatic founder may be kept honest by a
closeness to the
mysterium tremens et fascinans and a single-minded
commitment to a vision, the second and subsequent generations
tend to keep a closer eye on the political implications. A
Moses could exclaim, “Would that all the Lord’s people might
prophesy!” A Joshua’s instinct is to complain, “Eldad and
Medad are also prophesying,” and to urge, “Make them stop –
they’re not authorised.”[1]
Against that trend, there has also been, especially in the
Judeo-Christian tradition, a counter-cultural, prophetic
tradition of protest against the institutions of power. Jesus
of Nazareth stood in this prophetic tradition. Jesus and the
community which grew up after his death appear to have valued
equality in contrast to the priestly hierarchies of received
religion.[2]
There were evidently varieties of function within the early
Christian community, but not of formal status.
Division into Clerical and
Lay States
Over
the first few centuries, however, as the Church
institutionalised and developed structures to order its polity
and conserve its message, and as it accommodated to Roman
society and to traditional religious expectations, it
developed such distinctions, between clerics in orders and
laity.[3]
By early in the second century the early charismatic offices
had been superseded and a three-fold structure of one bishop,
presiding over a council of presbyters and supported by
deacons was becoming common. A second factor in the
clericalisation of ministry was the adoption of the “priestly”
language, a second-century development which became entrenched
with the progressive development of the idea of the Eucharist
as sacrifice which only a priest had power to perform. With
Augustine (died 430) an “indelible character” was attributed
to priesthood. A third factor was the incorporation of church
and priesthood into Roman society and the state. From the
“Christianising” of the Empire under Theodosius in the fourth
century, it eventually came to be assumed that all people in
the state were “Christian”; by the end of the first millennium
the boundary between the world and the church was seen as
lying at ordination rather than baptism. Even from the third
century on it was apparent that all these developments had
reduced the “laity” to a passive role. We can call the
cumulative process “clericalisation”.
Reaction and
Counter-reaction
Many times
in the history of the Church when there has been a renewal of
mission, some reaction against clericalism has been involved.
Usually the movements involved have either been suppressed or
have in their turn become clericalised. Monasticism was
amongst the earliest such movements, from the mid-second
century on. Originally a lay movement, it became clericised
with a caste system whereby manual labour was performed by lay
monks but clerical roles by priests.
The later
middle ages in Europe were a period of huge social and
economic change, affecting the church along with everything
else. The laity became less willing to accept a passive role
and there were many religious revivalist movements, some of
which became officially accepted while others were denounced
as heretical. Both in officially endorsed orders like the
Franciscans and in others eventually excluded like the
Waldensians, an initial all-lay ethos was eventually
clericalised, with priests or clergy coming to dominate them.
The
Reformation movements all involved a degree of rejection of
clerical superiority. Luther dismissed “characters
indelebilis ...” as “mere talk and man-made law.”[4]
However most the reformers remained wedded to the concept of
“Christendom”, in which the State and the Church were
essentially the same thing and “the clerical office – whether
under the name of
ministerium (the ministry) or
sacerdotium (the priesthood) – continued in being as
something constitutive for the existence of the Church.”[5]
In E. L. Mascall’s words, “what
Protestantism did to the religion of
Western Europe was simply to substitute a
clericalism of the Word for a clericalism of the Sacrament.”[6]
It was the “radical reformation”, the Anabaptists and their
sectarian successors, who tried to make a fresh start and
return to the polity of the primitive church. “It was not that
the Anabaptists had no clergy; it is more accurate to say that
they had no laity.”[7]
As marginalised and persecuted, their situation more closely
resembled that of the early Christians.
The
immediate precursor of The Salvation Army was the Methodist
movement of the eighteenth century. John Wesley unwittingly
created what was virtually a parallel church though he was a
priest of the Church of England, and refused to allow his lay
preachers to administer the sacraments or call themselves
“Reverend”. After his death the preachers claimed both rights
and Methodism clericalised. However, both traditions, the
“lay” and the “clerical”, persist in Methodism to the present
day. Most of the subsequent schisms in the movement – and most
of the reunions also – have been concerned with this
polarisation.
In
retrospect it may be seen that Bryan Wilson’s analysis of the
process of clericalisation in Protestant sects applies to the
broad history of the church as a whole:
What
does appear is that the dissenting movements of Protestantism,
which were lay movements, or movements which gave greater
place to laymen than the traditional churches had ever
conceded, pass, over the course of time, under the control of
full-time religious specialists.. Over time, movements which
rebel against religious specialization, against clerical
privilege and control, gradually come again under the control
of a clerical class… Professionalism is a part of the wider
social process of secular society, and so even in
anti-clerical movements professionals re-emerge. Their real
power, when they do re-emerge, however, is in their
administrative control and the fact of their full-time
involvement, and not in their liturgical functions, although
these will be regarded as the activity for which their
authority is legitimated.[8]
The
history of The Salvation Army is open to analysis in these
terms.
Beginning with the Booths
William Booth inherited the ambiguities of Methodism. He left
a Church, the Methodist New Connection, but retained his
clerical rank. He denied any intention of founding a “sect” or
denomination (“I constantly put from me the thought of
attempting the formation of such a people”[9]),
but ended up doing so. As Ronald Knox remarks of Zinzendorf,
“it is an old dream of the enthusiast that he can start a new
religion without starting a new denomination.”[10]
The chief
formative influences on William and Catherine Booth were
Methodism and American Revivalism. Wesleyan influence on Booth
can be seen in his emulation of Wesley himself and in
parallels between the situation, ethos and doctrines of
Methodism and Salvationism. It can also be traced in a degree
of ambiguity about the nature or importance of ordination, in
his conviction of the importance of lay-participation, and
paradoxically, in his equally strong conviction of the value
of authoritarian rule. Herein lay the tension, still in
evidence, between the Army’s commitment to the “priesthood of
all believers” and its hierarchical structure. From the
American revivalists, such as Charles Finney, James Caughey
and Phoebe Palmer, the Booths not only learned about
evangelical methods and concluded that there was more freedom
in their use outside the control of denominational structures,
but also had confirmed their convictions both about the
importance of lay-participation and about the value of strong
government.
Booth’s engagement with a tent mission in Mile End Waste in
July 1865 is reminiscent of the Arab inviting the camel to put
his nose into the tent on a cold night – soon the camel wholly
occupied the tent. By 1867 a revivalist group drawn from a
variety of evangelical backgrounds had been transformed into a
proto-sect with its own headquarters, a number of preaching
stations, systems for processing converts and for poor relief,
a membership document, a first annual financial statement, and
paid staff as well as volunteer workers. By 1878, this mission
had evolved into a highly centralised organisation, a people
with a distinct and common identity, and its own full-time,
employed leaders, analogous to clergy (although like Wesley’s
lay-preachers, Booth’s evangelists were forbidden to style
themselves “Reverend”
[11]).
Under its new name of Salvation Army, the mission was poised
to embark on a decade or more of exponential growth. With
Divisional and Territorial Commands from 1880 it was possessed
of an episcopal hierarchy.
Clerical Roles
The
clerical class in the church has come to be associated with
specific functions – the administration of the sacraments,
pastoring of the flock, the preaching and teaching of the Word
and the government of the church. What can we say then about
the roles of Booth’s Missioners, the Evangelists, later
Officers, under these headings?
Sacraments
The
monopoly of the sacramental function became the distinctive
mark of the emergence of priesthood in Christianity.
The Christian Mission and, until 1883, the Salvation
Army, practised infant baptism and celebrated the Lord’s
Supper, and it is apparent that officials of the mission led
these rites. The discontinuance of the practice could also
have implications for the “clerical” role of officers. Booth’s
explanation in The War
Cry simply said that (1) sacraments were not essential for
salvation; (2) that if he insisted on having them there would
be “grave dissensions” within the Army; (3) that the Army was
not a church; and (4) that the question could be left until we
shall have more light on the subject. (5) In the meanwhile
Salvationists were free to take the sacrament at other
churches, and (6) should feed on Jesus continually and ensure
they had been baptised with the Holy Ghost. (7) Finally,
having warned against dependence upon mere forms, he announced
a form of service for the dedication of children.[12]
Additional reasons subsequently offered, in addition to the
dangers of formalism and contentious Biblical hermeneutic,
have included the danger of strong drink to people converted
from drunkenness, avoidance of controversial subjects,
resistance to women administering the sacraments, the
avoidance of anything smacking of a separate priesthood and
the value of a distinctive non-sacramental witness.
David Rightmire’s study goes behind these presenting arguments
and places the Army’s early theology in the context of
Victorian society, the Wesleyan revival and the nineteenth
century holiness movement. He makes the point that by the
mid-19th century Wesleyanism had lost touch with its founder’s
sacramental theology, maintaining the forms but subordinating
other means of grace to the Word. The American holiness
revival teaching of Caughey, Finney and Phoebe Palmer, already
mentioned, also “emphasised a pneumatological ecclesiology
that needed little continuity with historical institutions.”
Rightmire’s argument is that once the Booths’ “Holiness” or
“Second Blessing” theology was fully developed, it provided a
spiritualised substitute for sacramental theology.[13]
It is interesting to
compare the course of The Salvation Army’s relationship with
the Church of England with that of its Wesleyan original.
Methodism grew out of the established Church and the question
was whether it could be contained.
Salvationism was an independent entity and would have
had to be grafted on to the Anglican stock – a more difficult
exercise. With
Methodism, the preachers, who had not hitherto been permitted
to officiate at the sacraments, assumed this role. Salvation
Army evangelists and officers, who had enjoyed this privilege,
relinquished it.
The
history of the Salvation Army also illustrates the maxim that
if the sacraments did not exist it would be necessary to
invent them, to adapt Voltaire. Forms and ceremonies have been
substituted. The Directory or catechism for children in 1900
set out “The Army’s Five Ordinances” as (1) The Dedication of
Children, (2) The Mercy Seat,[14]
(3) Enrolment under the Army Flag, (4)
Commissioning of Officers and (5) Marriage according to
Army rules.”[15]
To these might be added the uniform (surely “an outward and
visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace”, as well as the
nearest the Army comes to a medium for excommunication), and
the recent practice of “installing” officers in certain
commands.
All of
this also indicates that although sacramental observances are
usually taken as the initial catalyst for the process of
clericalisation in the Church, the Army’s clericalisation
gathered momentum after their abandonment (apart from the
substitute sacraments described above), suggesting that
clericalisation is a sociological process independent of a
theological base.
Pastoring
Pastoring of the flock was not the original function of the
Christian Missioners – they were above all itinerant
evangelists. The gradual assimilation of evangelist into
pastor in the role of the individual Salvation Army officer
has paralleled the gradual metamorphosis of the “para-church”
sect into denominational church.
That trend has been accompanied by the gradual loss of
the individual and corporate sense of responsibility of the
ordinary members or soldiers to exercise the pastoral role.
Within the early Salvation Army there was strong
emphasis on the “lay”-pastorate, with the appointment of
Visitation Sergeants with pastoral responsibility. With
pastoral care undertaken by those with a more settled
existence, the Evangelists or Missioners, and subsequently the
officers, were itinerant.
Itinerancy was a tradition inherited from Methodism,
with frequent changes of pastorate for clergy, combined with
the more limited role of the evangelist. Appointments tended
to be for a matter of weeks only or months. Railton wrote
that, “we refuse to allow our officers to stay long in one
place lest they or the people should sink into the
relationship of pastor and flock, and look to their mutual
enjoyment and advantage rather than to the salvation of
others…”[16]
In
time, officers became under increasing pressure to exercise a
pastoral role in addition to the evangelical one. Bramwell
Booth’s 1899 book on officership included a section on
“Shepherds and their Flocks”.[17]
Whatever Railton’s fear of a pastor-flock relationship
developing, it was inevitable; nurturing of new converts would
establish expectations for continuing care.
Preaching and Teaching
Clergy have usually assumed the magisterial role, the
responsibility for teaching, in the Church. Although the
Orders and Regulations
for Officers prescribed instructing and drilling the
troops as a significant officer-role, Booth saw preaching as
the definitive clerical task (“one who had nothing else to do
but preach”[18])
and we have seen that in his movement there was no thought of
reserving this task to any special group. The reverse was his
intention.
It
should be noted however that whatever the theory, the
Evangelists and then the Officers became the main speakers and
preachers as time went on.
A rearguard action against this practice has been
fought ever since.
In 1928 Bramwell Booth wrote to an officer in charge of
a corps he had visited, advising him to, “Rope in your own
people in so far as it is at all possible to take part in
platform [i.e. preaching] work if the soldiers and locals felt
the responsibility of speaking to the people the words of life
and truth they would fit themselves for this work.
This would relieve you of some of your platform
responsibilities, and thus enable you to tackle other work.”[19]
But many officers still jealously guard their prerogative in
this respect, to the neglect of the gifts of their soldiers.
Government and Leadership
On
the fourth point, government, only the full-time, employed
evangelists or missioners attended the Council of War in 1878,
whereas lay-delegates had attended earlier Conferences.
Murdoch avers that this action disenfranchised the
laymen of The Salvation Army and “stripped them of the right
to participate” in the organisation’s government.[20]
At the same time as the Mission metamorphosed into The Salvation Army,
it constitutionally reverted to Wesley’s original Methodist
model of benevolent dictatorship. The government of the
movement was clearly concentrated in the hands of a leading
group, though always as a delegated authority derived in the
end from the General himself.
This remains the case today. The role of an officer is
to command, to direct the government of the organisation at a
particular level.
The post-1877 polity certainly left the way open for the
elevation of an “officer class” in the all-lay Army.
In sum, then, of the
four clerical roles of officiating at rites, pastoring,
preaching and government, it would seem that Christian
Missioners became Salvation Army officers with only the fourth
of these fields unambiguously as their largely exclusive
prerogative.
Their other roles were in the process of development – though
also in the direction of a clerical monopoly. However,
Officers were not yet clergy in any generally recognised sense
at this time, any more than the Army itself was regarded as a
church.
What the Founders Said
Here we
find an essential ambivalence as far as clericalism is
concerned – and as far as being a church is concerned. The
pragmatic origins of ministry and polity have meant that the
Army has championed the concept of the priesthood of all
believers and rejected the clerical role, while at the same
time it has claimed ministerial status for its officers
whenever that has seemed advantageous. Thus it has inherited
and carried forward the ecclesiological contradictions of
Methodism referred to earlier.
All Lay, All Priests
Like
Wesley before him, Booth did not see his Evangelists as
clergy. He
complained in 1877 that some had resigned because “they rub up
against some Baptist or Primitive preachers and get
ministerial notions.”[21]
Railton quotes Booth, addressing young officers, as saying,
I
have lived, thank God, to witness the separation between
layman and cleric become more and more obscured, and to see
Jesus Christ’s idea of changing in a moment ignorant fishermen
into fishers of men nearer and nearer realization.[22]
William
Booth wanted to disabuse his officers of the notion that there
is any “exclusive order of preachers” or that ministry was:
confined to a particular
class of individuals who constitute a sacred order specially
raised up and qualified… on the ground of their ancestors
having been specially set apart for it, and authorised to
communicate the same power to their successors, who are, they
again contend, empowered to pass on some special virtues to
those who listen to their teaching… I deny the existence of
any order exclusively possessing the right to publish the
salvation of God… I honour the Order of Preachers; I belong to
it myself… but as to his possessing any particular grace
because of his having gone through any form of Ordination, or
any other ceremonial whatever, I think that idea is a great
mistake.
And I want to say
here, once and for all, that no such notion is taught in any
authorised statement of Salvation Army doctrine or affirmed by
any responsible officer in the organisation… the duty in which
I glory is no more sacred, and only a few degrees removed in
importance, from that of the brother who opens the doors of
the Hall in which the preacher holds forth… As Soldiers of
Christ, the same duty places us all on one level.[23]
Booth
clearly rejected any apostolic succession or clerical
character as needed to authenticate his officers’ functions.
Not only were officers not “clergy” but soldiers in effect
were. In an
1898 address he hoped that soldiers would
not shirk their duty “by any talk of not being an officer.”
You cannot say you are
not ordained. You were ordained when you signed Articles of
War, under the blessed Flag. If not, I ordain every man, woman
and child here present that has received the new life. I
ordain you now. I cannot get at you to lay my hands upon you.
I ordain you with the breath of my mouth. I tell you what your
true business in the world is, and in the name of the living
God I authorise you to go and do it. Go into all the world and
preach the gospel to every creature![24]
Ministers Who were Not
Ordained”[25]
At the same time as we
have these, and many other, very clear statements that The
Salvation Army is an essentially lay movement, we find the
growing assumption that officers do enjoy a distinctive and
special role – or status. The specialness of the officer role
was emphasised on two counts; firstly because of the need to
foster and encourage the
esprit de corps of
officers in order to promote the effectiveness of the Army’s
leadership, and secondly from the desire to secure recognition
of the officers within the wider community.
Both would inevitably contribute to the process by
which function would assume status.
Although not claiming any ordination for their officers, the
Booths regarded them as in every way equal to the clergy of
other denominations. Sandall reports a statement by William
Booth, made in 1894: “The Salvation Army is not inferior in
spiritual character to any organization in existence… We are,
I consider, equal everyway and everywhere to any other
Christian organization on the face of the earth (i) in
spiritual authority, (ii) in spiritual intelligence, (iii) in
spiritual functions. We hold ‘the keys’ as truly as any church
in existence.”[26]
While these claims were made of the Army as a whole, the
exercise of “authority” and the holding of the “keys” could be
taken as peculiarly clerical or leadership roles.
Booth was in no doubt that the Army would rise or fall
on the quality of its leadership. His first
Orders and Regulations,
written particularly for officers leading a growing movement,
noted that “The work must, of course, depend mainly upon the
officers…”[27]
Bramwell agreed with this, writing, “Officers … they are the
spinal column of the affair and their tone and spirit is its
spinal marrow.”[28]
In a
circular to senior commanders, William Booth spoke of the role
of officers as akin to a priesthood: “Indeed, the fact is ever
before us – like Priest, like People; like Captain, like
Corps.”[29]
“More and more as I have wrestled with the [new] regulations
this week,” he wrote to Bramwell in 1903, “it has been borne
in upon me that it is the Officer upon whom all depends.
It has always been so.
If Moses had not made a priesthood, there would have
been no Jewish nation.
It was the priesthood of the Levites which kept them
alive, saved them
from their inherent rottenness… and perpetuated the law which
made them.”[30]
Such
a statement suggests that Booth’s own views were changing.
Ervine comments that “This was a far different note from any
that he had hitherto sounded.
Priests had never previously been much esteemed by him
who was more ready to admire prophets than priests… The
Soldier-Prophet was about to leave his command to a
Lawyer-Priest. A
younger William Booth would have known that this was
dangerous, but Booth was old and solitary and tired, and old
men want priests more than they want warriors.”[31]
Robertson attributes this change to Booth’s anticipation of a
possible leadership crisis during the “period of
routinisation” by his Supplementary Deed of 1904 (which
provided for the deposition of a General adjudged unfit for
office and the election of a replacement by a High Council).
“Further, he came to the conclusion that the priesthood of all
believers, although already effectively dropped in practice,
had to be attenuated as an ideal.”[32]
In an
address to Staff Officers, reprinted after his death, William
Booth said
The Salvation Army
also claims possession of certain authority – authority
received from God and man adequate for the work required from
it, and equal to that of any other Christian organisation in
existence, if not superior to that of many which pass under
that name. I claim such authority for myself as an ambassador
of Christ, and I claim it also on your behalf. I claim for the
Army all the authority necessary for the ruling of its people,
their admission to its ranks or their exclusion from it… When
I am asked to state the grounds on which the Army claims
authority over the consciences and conduct of men, I reply
that we do these things not on the authority of man, or of any
outside organisation of men, but by the authority of God
Himself.[33]
In his
memoirs Bramwell Booth echoes similar sentiments.
In
this, we humbly but firmly claim that we are in no way
inferior, either to the saints who have gone before, or –
though remaining separate from them, even as one branch in the
vine is separate from another – to the saints of the present.
We, no less than they, are called and chosen to sanctification
of the Spirit and to the inheritance of eternal life. And our
officers are, equally with them, ministers in the church of God,
having received diversities of gifts, but the one Spirit –
endowed by His grace, assured of His guidance, confirmed by
His word, and commissioned by the Holy Ghost to represent Him
to the whole world.[34]
In the
First World War Bramwell Booth forbade officers to volunteer
for military duty, saying
It seems to me that
the consecration of their lives to the things of Christ, which
all our officers have made, is inconsistent with their
voluntarily drawing the sword in earthly warfare. There can be
no doubt that they are as truly ministers of Christ’s gospel
as were the apostles themselves, and as ministers of God they
are covenanted to approve themselves in patience, in
affliction… And so I say I cannot approve their taking the
sword, or any other carnal weapon.[35]
These
examples, and many like them, would support the view that the
Army and its leaders progressively tended to claim a clerical
role and status for officers. So, we have seen that The
Salvation Army, in attempting to maintain a sectarian equality
of believers, resisted the idea that its officers were clergy
like other clergy. At the same time, partly because of the
autocratic temperament of its founder, it adopted a military,
hierarchical structure which served to expedite the process of
clericalisation.
The conditions of
officers’ service would constitute their professional milieu
in a way that could not be true of non-officer, volunteer
Salvationists. The mystique of the Call to officership, the
spiritually intensive nature of officer-formation in training
and the sessional group bonding with peers, the extent of
personal commitment involved in the Covenant and Undertakings,
the ranking system, the distinctive functions and roles of
officers and the intensity of the all-absorbing work, together
with the sense of corporate identity and
esprit de corps,
gave officership a character which could be described as
clerical compared with that of the rank and file.
This ambiguity over the
status of officers arose in part from the Methodist
theological roots, as we have noted, and in part from the fact
that traditional ecclesiastical and canonical distinctions
were of little interest or relevance.
Salvationists were, as far as they were concerned,
sui generis,
needing no external ecclesiastical validation or referencing.
Pragmatic decisions beget principles.
The Founders set out to do just whatever appeared the
most practical thing to do next.
Rather than intentionally taking the historic pattern
of the church as a model they fought against it as repugnant
to their view of the ministerial role of Christians in
general. For all
that, they could not avoid bringing with them from their
church background ways of thinking about how the church should
be organised. The
irony is that they ended up with a similar model of clergy and
laity and an episcopal system of government under different
names. It is difficult
in practice, leaving aside ecclesiastical distinctions of
legitimacy and apostolic provenance, to distinguish
officership from the clerical status in any other church.
Transitions
Sociologists refer to the period of “routinisation”, during
which initially radical sectarian movements gradually
accommodate to the world around them, and “denominationalise”.
While Robertson considered that The Salvation Army had
resisted this process and therefore dubbed it an “established
sect”,[36]
in the longer view it may be seen that the Army in the western
world has conformed to type in this respect.
Although it was Donald McGavran’s twentieth century phrase,[37]
the phenomenon of “redemption and lift”, was remarked upon by
John Wesley nearly two hundred years earlier.
The
Methodists in every place grow diligent and frugal;
consequently they increase in goods. Hence they
proportionately increase in pride, in the desire of the flesh,
the desire of the eyes, and the pride of life. So although the
form of religion remains, the spirit is swiftly vanishing
away…[38]
Salvationists, originally archetypal “working class”, have
participated in the general rise in standards of living in
western countries, with increased opportunity for education
and diversified occupations. The children and grandchildren of
those who had experienced the miracle of changing beer into
furniture did not necessarily enjoy a vital conversion
experience of their own or inherit the same evangelical
imperative.
A
concomitant of this development was a change in mindset from
“mission to maintenance”; from a crusade to change the world
to a preoccupation with the interests and needs of existing
members. It is not without significance that the international
statistics for numbers of corps and officers in 2004 were
little different from those at the death of Bramwell Booth in
1929.[39]
(The recent growth in soldiership statistics derives from a
new, third world, growth spurt, offset by steep decline in the
European homelands.) A diminution of evangelical fervour was
also matched by a decline in commitment to sectarian
“perfectionism” of the kind represented by the Army’s Wesleyan
holiness theology, and the beginnings of a more conscious
pluralism of theological outlook.
These changes have also been reflected in a moderation of the
Army’s opposition to “the world”: only an embargo on alcohol,
tobacco and gambling survives where once wearing a feathers on
ladies’ hats, make-up and jewellery, and attending dances,
organised sports events or the cinema were equally
reprehensible. The Army no longer provides an all-embracing
social milieu for many Salvationists, and the movement no
longer maintains what Bryan Wilson called “a totalitarian
rather than a segmental hold” over its members.[40]
Higher education is no longer regarded with suspicion.
At least in much of the
“western world”, this process of routinisation occupied
perhaps the first sixty years of the 20th century.
As far as the theme of this essay is concerned, the end result
of this was that the Army became another “mainline”
denomination, in which the officers were regarded, and
regarded themselves, as clergy, and the soldiers thought of
themselves as laity. Despite a strong and continuing tradition
of soldier involvement in “the work”, the officers became the
professional religious class. Thomas O’Dea summarised the
tendency thus:
there comes into
existence a body of men for whom the clerical life offers not
simply the “religious” satisfactions of the earlier
charismatic period, but also prestige and respectability,
power and influence… and satisfactions derived from the use of
personal talents in teaching, leadership, etc. Moreover, the
maintenance of the situation in which these rewards are
forthcoming tends to become an element in the motivation of
the group.[41]
Into the Second Century
Although we have observed a denominationalising tendency in
the period reviewed above, the Army’s official rhetoric
remained sectarian.
The inevitable tectonic tension between these two continental
plates moving in opposite directions began to surface as the
movement entered its second century in the 1960’s. This again
conformed to the usual pattern of such movements in their
life-cycle, as indeed had happened with the early Church
itself. A period of consolidation and reflection begins. The
movement becomes
more self-conscious, and begins to
clarify and rationalise what it had been doing, as well as
adjusting to the fact that it is now operating in a world
strangely different from that in which it had taken shape.
Roger Green, referring to various late 20th and early 21st
century initiatives in Salvationist theological discussion,
comments that “these are still tenuous efforts for a
denomination yet in its primacy.
The Army is only now coming into an understanding of
what it means to have a corporate theological life.”[42]
The Debate
As far as our theme is concerned the Army entered upon a
period of internal debate, expressed for the first time in its
history in articles and correspondence, at first in
The Officer and
later in such territorial publications as
The Salvationist in
the UK
and Word and Deed
in USA. We can
trace the coming out into the open of the polarities, “lay”,
and “clerical”, between the view that office is simply
functional and the belief that office confers a status or
character, inherited a century before from Church history
through Methodism and inherent in the Army as a sociological
and ecclesiastical phenomenon.
The debate took place in two phases. For the first twenty-five
years – roughly from 1960 to 1985 – it concerned function and
status. In the following twenty years, following the
introduction of the “ordination” of officers, this terminology
naturally shaped the arguments offered. At the risk of
caricaturing the variety of views, we can sample here only a
few of the contributions made to the debate.
As representative of the “functional” school we can take the
unambiguous statement by Australian Commissioner Hubert
Scotney:
The distinction made
today between clergy and laity does not exist in the New
Testament… The terms layman and laity (in the current usage of
those words) are completely out of character in a Salvation
Army context… It is foreign to the entire concept of
Salvationism to imagine two levels of involvement. Any
distinction between officers and soldiers is one of function
rather than status.[43]
Against
that we can cite Colonel William Clark (IHQ), who claimed that
by:
a direct call from God
into the ranks of Salvation Army officership, we have been
given particular spiritual authority… Whatever our role
…happens to be for the time being… we are primarily spiritual
leaders…Our spiritual authority lies not only or chiefly in
what we do, but in what we are… Our calling is to be a certain
kind of person and not … to do a certain kind of job… The
“ordained” ministry of the Church – to which body we belong by
virtue of our calling, response, training and commissioning –
is a distinctive ministry within the body of the whole people
of God, different from that “general” ministry of the Church
which is defined in the New Testament as “the priesthood of
all believers”.[44]
In 1978 General Arnold
Brown announced that the commissioning of officers would in
future include use of the word “ordain”. This innovation
evidently passed largely unremarked until Captain Chick Yuill
of Scotland
drew attention to it in 1985.
May
I suggest that we need to re-emphasise the truth that there is
no real distinction between officers and soldiers, that the
difference is simply of function… If that little word ‘ordain’
has crept in because of a subconscious desire that other
Christians should realise that we are as ‘important’ as the
clergy of other denominations, … in the end it matters not a
jot where we stand in the estimation of any who would compile
a league table of ecclesiastical importance.[45]
Cadet
Stephen Court of Canada took the same line:
There is
no difference between the two functions [officer and soldier],
there is no distinctive, and so there are no grounds to
justify ordination by this argument. The emphasis on
ordination and the professional nature of officership only
serves to widen the artificial gap existing between officers
and soldiers. Note I use the term “soldier” rather than the
insidious term “laity”.
He
concluded by warning against “the gradual abdication of our
characteristic birthright in ‘favour’ of a mainstream church
identity.”[46]
Against
those, we can quote for example the following vigorous support
for ordination from a retired officer, Brigadier Bramwell
Darbyshire:
In
spite of all the stuff about the priesthood of all believers,
ordained and commissioned officers are different from
non-officer Salvationists. They are not cleverer, wiser, more
loved of God than their fellows, but they are special, set
apart for Jesus in a way that involves sacrifice and often
great inconvenience to their families… No one is more grateful
for the Army’s dedicated lay staff than this old warrior; but
let’s get it right. They may be as much involved as officers,
but there is for an officer a sacramental dimension and if we
lose sight of this the Army is finished.[47]
Others
again used the term “ordained”, but on their own terms, as
implying only a “functional” role. Major Raymond Caddy of IHQ
defended it in these terms:
…one of
its meanings is closely tied to the idea of organisation which
underlies all military structures… means to categorise, to
place in a particular ranking… the specific ranking, then, has
something to tell us about function. …this is the
classification of people as ministers of religion… to carry
out certain roles. These duties are restricted to people of
that rank, otherwise there is no point in separating them from
the rest.
He
went on to distinguish two kinds of ordination in the Church,
one of all Christians, and the other to the exercise of
certain spiritual gifts (see Romans 12, 1st Corinthians 12),
vocations given so that the Church may be
governed and served… Particular ministries are recognised and
encouraged when the Army commissions or warrants its officers
and local officers.
However, every Salvationist is ordained to the greater
vocation of Christian.
There is no higher calling than this.[48]
The
debate widened to a general discussion of
what roles and functions were appropriate to an officer. These
tended to follow the culturally conditioned expectation of
clergy in general. Officers were to lead, pastor, preach,
teach and disciple, and equip the saints for ministry.
Some saw the officer as being assisted in ministry by
non-officers; others saw that the officer’s role was to assist
non-officers in their
ministry. Some
writers addressed officer conditions of service, such as
appointability, as the distinctive mark of officership. A few
called attention to officers’ representative role, as head and
focus of their community of faith. Some people, while
rejecting any spurious status equivalent to priestly character
for officership, felt that an entirely functional description
could not justify a separate officer role.
They therefore looked for an internal, Salvation Army
validation, a combination of the officer’s own personal sense
of calling and the objective fact that Salvation Army officer
ministry was an existing reality to be taken into account.
Major Cecil Waters urged a return to an unabashedly
Salvationist argument from simple pragmatism.
We will go on looking
for a definition of officership unless and until we recognise
that officership exists firstly as a convenience by which we
organise the Army and secondly as one function, among many, to
which we feel “called of God.
[It was] impossible to define a concept of officership
which is plainly and clearly distinct from that of
soldiership. [He concluded] (a) That it would seem that the
Army needs full time workers… Most, but by no means all, these
workers are officers. (b) That we believe we may be called to
be such workers – and this call may refer to officership
(rather than employee or envoy status). (c) That to be so
called and so engaged is sufficient to sustain our work, our
spirit and our identity. I believe we need look for nothing
more special than this.”[49]
Official words
Ordination
Of official statements
on this matter the
first was General Brown’s introduction of “ordination” in
commissioning. The Chief of Staff’s 1978 letter to Territorial
Commanders stated:
It is the General’s wish
that a slight modification should be made to the wording of
the Dedication Service during the Commissioning of cadets, in
order to emphasise the fact that Salvation Army officers are
ordained ministers of Christ and of His Gospel.
After the cadets have made their Affirmation of Faith, the
officer conducting the Commissioning should then say: “In
accepting these pledges which you each have made, I commission
you as officers of The Salvation Army and ordain you as
ministers of His Gospel.” In countries other than
English-speaking, and where the word
“ordained” has no exact equivalent, a
translation should be used which will give the nearest
possible meaning to the English-language expression.[50]
That
the decision did not command universal support might be
suggested by the fact that it was reviewed in 1988 and 1892,
and the rubric was eventually amended by General John Gowans.
A 2002 Memo from Chief of Staff John Larsson instructed:
The commissioning
officer will say to each cadet in turn: “Cadet (name):
Accepting your promises and recognising that God has called,
ordained and empowered you to be a minister of Christ and of
his gospel, I commission you an officer of The Salvation
Army.”[51]
The
significant changes here would appear to be that (1) the
cadets were to be commissioned individually rather than
collectively, and (2) “ordination” was now seen as something
already done by God rather than in this ceremony by a
representative of the organisation.
Response to the Lima
Document
In
1982 the World Council of Churches
Faith and Order Paper
111 on Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry (Lima[52]),
was circulated amongst churches for comment. The Salvation
Army’s response was included in
Faith and Order Paper
137 of 1987, and also published by the Army itself as
One Faith,
One
Church, in 1990. While
the intention had been that churches would look for areas of
agreement, the majority ended up by drawing lines around their
own particular distinctives and the result pleased no-one.
Catholics felt the document was Protestant in emphasis;
Protestants felt “left out”.
The Army
identified with Lima where it could. Its main concern
seems to have been to defend its non-sacramental stance, and
even in its response on Ministry, it appeared somewhat
preoccupied with the sacramental issue.
About the question of
how Salvation Army ministry is perceived in relation to
traditional Church belief about ordination, it appeared to be
less sensitive and therefore, missed significant areas of
difference. It was vague about the meaning of the language of
ordination, which it had recently adopted, and confused
the concept of indelible character of orders with the
Army’s own expectation that officers would commit to life-long
ministry. The Army identified with the theology of the
“radical reformation” but that it also sought to be included
in the fold of “mainstream” ecclesiology by claiming that it
was just like everyone else but with different terminology. Or
in the case of “ordination”, the same terminology.
It
concluded that rather than “the highlighting of differences,”
the Army would prefer to see the churches demonstrating their
existing unity in mission and evangelism. It believed that
differences in faith and order in the church are issues only
to theologians, of lesser concern to lay Christians and of no
interest whatever to those outside the church.[53]
Community in Mission
Their work on the Lima document evidently alerted the
Salvation Army’s leadership to its lack of a coherent
ecclesiology and the difficulties inherent in maintaining a
merely reactive mode. The book
Community in Mission, A Salvationist Ecclesiology was
commissioned from an American officer, Major Philip Needham,
and published in 1987.
Needham’s basic premise is that “a
Salvationist ecclesiology stands as a reminder to the Church
that its mission in the world is primary, and that the life of
the Church ought largely to be shaped by a basic commitment to
mission.”[54]
His ecclesiology deals pre-eminently with the ministry of the
Army as a whole, and only
inter alia with
that of the officer corps in particular.
Within the elaboration
of this theme, Needham clearly confined the concept of
“ordination” to a “functional” role within the movement – and
claimed that its significance was best expressed in the word
“commissioning”, used of both officers and soldiers taking up
specific tasks, while “ordination” was commonly used in
connection with “ministries that require theological training,
specialised skills, pastoral leadership and a full-time
vocation…”[55]
The work of the
International Doctrine Council
The
Doctrine Council, inaugurated in 1931, has been responsible
for producing successive editions of the
Handbook of Doctrine.
None of the pre-1969 editions mentioned the doctrine of
the Church, a concept without interest to the early Salvation
Army, and even from 1969 this was discussed only under
Trinitarian doctrine, as a Ministry of the Holy Spirit. No
reference was made to a “separated ministry”. The 1998
edition,
Salvation Story,
explains that “One very important change since the Eleven
Articles were formulated and adopted is the evolution of the
Movement from an agency for evangelism to a church, an
evangelistic body of believers who worship, fellowship,
minister and are in mission together.”[56]
With
reference to Ministry, a paragraph explains that all
Christians are “ministers or servants of the gospel… share in
the priestly ministry… In that sense there is no separated
ministry.” However the section goes on to say:
Within that common
calling, some are called by Christ to be full-time
office-holders within the Church. Their calling is affirmed by
the gift of the Holy Spirit, the recognition of the Christian
community and their commissioning – ordination – for service.
Their function is to focus the mission and ministry of the
whole Church so that its members are held faithful to their
calling. They serve
their fellow ministers as visionaries who point the way to
mission, as pastors who minister to the priests when they are
hurt or overcome, as enablers who equip others for mission, as
spiritual leaders.[57]
Like
Community in Mission,
this does establish clearly the principle that the ministry of
particular persons arises out of the ministry of the whole
Christian community, and attempts to explain and justify how
this happens in practice.
The Council’s most
recent work is
Servants Together,
arising from the 1995 International Council of Leaders’
recommendation that
The
roles of officers and soldiers be defined and a theology of
“the priesthood of all believers” be developed to encourage
greater involvement in ministry (for example, spiritual
leadership, leadership in general), worship, service and
evangelism.[58]
The book
for the first time puts the Army’s ecclesiology in its
historical context. It clearly establishes the principle that
there is no distinction in status between soldiers and
officers, although it then struggles to establish what is
unique about the role of the officer. Significantly, and
indicative of the Army’s growing pluralism, it does allow that
a variety of opinion is held on the subject. As an official
response to the debate of the previous forty years, Servants
Together entrenches the Army’s traditional ambiguity about the
nature of its “separated ministry”.
If we were to attempt to
sum up the progression to be found through the sequence
beginning with the introduction of ordination in 1978 and
culminating in the publication of
Servants Together
in 2000, at the risk of over-simplification we might suggest
that in the 1970’s the pendulum had swung as far as it could
in the direction of a status for officers, and that the
subsequent works show a move to correct an imbalance and
restore a functional point of view – while retaining the
movement’s
traditional ambiguity about the question.
Officers who may not be
officers
The
ambiguity about the status of officers – whether they are
clerical or lay – has further implications for Salvationists
who have performed “officer” functions without being accorded
full officer status. These include not only non-commissioned
and warranted ranks and soldiers, but more surprisingly the
women officers, particularly the married women, of the Army.
An officer by any other
name…
In every
army in the world, it is the non-commissioned officers, the
NCOs, who see themselves as the real leaders of the army. The
Salvation Army’s unpaid, volunteer “local officers”,
originally the “elders” of the Christian Mission, evolved to
become a paid, full-time parallel structure to officership.
From 1893, some were appointed as “Envoys”, equivalent to
Methodist local preachers on a circuit, and from the 1930’s
these sometimes acted as Corps commanding officers. By the
1940’s these voluntary workers were supplemented by full-time
paid Envoys who held officer appointments in both corps and
social work but without officer training or commission.
Finally, by the 1960’s some were warranted as “Auxiliary
Captains”, working under officer conditions but still without
officer status, though some later went on to hold substantive
rank. The phenomenon of people doing identical work but
accorded differing status is fraught with inequities and runs
counter to the principle that officership is simply
functional.
Although we have
referred to the trend for officers to become clergy and
soldiers to think of themselves as laity, there has always
been a counter-movement, a consistent tradition of soldier
initiative and participation in the Army’s work. There has
always been some tension between the view that soldiers are
“cannon-fodder”, with lives co-extensive with Army programmes,
and the belief that soldiers are the front line of evangelism
in the world, engaged in
real “full-time
service”, and to be resourced by officers rather than used.
The former approach is always a danger in a clericalising
context.
In
the “Western world” Army, the second half of the twentieth
century saw some attempt to accommodate to the more democratic
temper of the times with some consultative machinery on both
the local level, with Corps Councils, and territorial level,
with a variety of “laymen’s advisory” groups. It is
interesting that General Clarence Wiseman, an initiator of the
latter, had second thoughts on theological grounds – “to have
segregated groupings is really in violation of the concept of
the priesthood of all believers… thereafter Officers came
officially on to the [Canadian] ACSAL.”[59]
Two
weaknesses have dogged all such attempts at spreading the
ownership of policy. Firstly, as Peter Price has observed of
the Catholic Church: “The consultative structures of the
Church are still only ‘recommended’ and ‘advisory’. They do
not necessarily facilitate Lay participation in real
decision-making. Such participation as well as its authority
are dependent on the individual Bishop or Parish Priest, and
may be dismantled at will.”[60]
Secondly, the default, officer-centred position into which the
organisation so readily lapses, attributing omnicompetence to
commissioned rank, means that too often business decisions are
made by commercial amateurs, with a commensurate loss of
credibility in the eyes of Salvation Army soldiers.
A
growing late twentieth century trend has been the employment
of soldiers in ministry roles – as youth workers, pastoral
workers and corps leaders, as well as in social work and
administrative roles. This has been particularly the case in
western countries with declining officer strength and has
provoked further debate about the respective roles and status
of officers and soldiers. This has paralleled a similar
controversy in the Roman Catholic and some other churches.[61]
The difference between the Church
and The Salvation Army lies in the fact that the Army does not
in theory reserve spiritual ministry and leadership roles for
a sacerdotal class. The similarity lies in the fact that in
practice, because of its hierarchical structure, the Army has
tended to behave in the same way as the Church, and change in
this area therefore occasions similar tensions.
A Monstrous Regiment
of Women[62]
If a
question is whether Salvation Army officers are, or are not,
clergy, the question may have even more point in the case of
women officers, given that ordination of women was not
generally accepted in the 19th century. Equality of the sexes
has always been one of the Army’s boasts. “In the Army,” wrote
Florence Booth, “we know no distinction, because of sex, which
is calculated to limit either a woman’s influence or her
authority, or her opportunity to serve, by sacrifice, the Kingdom of God.”[63]
Over many years,
Salvationists regarded the struggles of other denominations
over this question with a certain smugness, not always
justified, and on two grounds. The first was theological, in
that Salvation Army commentators did not always understand the
difference between involvement, even leadership, in ministry
and a claim to Christian “priesthood”. The second reason for
some modesty on the question is that the Army’s practice has
not always matched its precepts.
In fact, over much of its history the Army appeared to
retreat from its early promise of gender equality. Single
women officers were disadvantaged in comparison to their male
peers; married women found their officership merged with and
subordinated to that of their husbands.
The reason for this was
probably simply male chauvinism and the increasing
conservatism of a movement institutionalising and tending to
be on the defensive. It might be suggested that this touches
on our clericalising theme as well. Whatever the Army’s
rhetoric, the men thought of themselves as clergy, and in the
world to which the Army was accommodating it was not yet
trendy to think of the women as clergy as well. While the
stand taken by the Booths was ground-breaking in the
nineteenth century, they found it difficult to apply the
principle of gender equality across the board, quite naturally
because they were prisoners of their own times and
assumptions.
Theological principles are not easily imposed on resistant
cultural norms. Andrew Mark Eason’s
Women in God’s Army
explores and analyses
the
cultural and theological foundations upon which the
organisation was established. Reflecting views that were
similar to those of their male counterparts, most Army women
espoused beliefs and accepted roles that were incompatible
with a principle of sexual equality. A female officer’s moral
and spiritual functions in the home, combined with her other
domestic tasks, either called into question or placed
constraints upon her public ministry… Within the public realm,
a married or single female officer was usually confined to
responsibilities consistent with the notion of sexual
difference. She was encouraged to possess a femininity defined
in terms of self-sacrifice, weakness, dependency and emotion.
This construction of womanhood allowed women to challenge
sinners publicly from the platform or engage in social work,
but their overall ministry remained a modest one… Her ideal
role was one of service and submission rather than leadership
and authority.[64]
The
Salvation Army, having in some senses pioneered equality,
evidently lost its momentum fairly early in its history, while
continuing to believe its own rhetoric. It has only recently
begun to address the issues again, firstly as a result of the
work of a commission established by General Eva Burrows and
its recommendations as implemented by General Paul Rader in
the 1990’s, and secondly as an outcome of the International
Commission on Officership, under General John Gowans.
The International Commission
on Officership
General Paul Rader set up an International Commission on
Officership, on the recommendation of the 1998 International
Conference of Leaders held in Melbourne. Its purpose was “to
review all aspects of the concept of officership in the light
of the contemporary situation and its challenges, with a view
to introducing a greater measure of flexibility” into officer
service.[65]
Most of
the recommendations deal with “officer conditions”. To that
extent the commission was a response to the ways in which the
original expectations of both the officers and the Army as a
whole have drifted out of synch with the changing times and
world-view of newer generations. However, the findings of this
commission and ensuing changes also bear upon the matters at
the heart of this paper – the character of officership, and
the question of whether officership is perceived as a
functional role or a clerical status.
Of the
matters traced in this paper, some recommendations had to do
with the role of women and the equality of their status with
that of men officers in the matter of allowances, women’s
appointments and the need for gender balance on Boards and
Councils. These largely affirmed, furthered and encouraged
reforms already in train. Only with local, territorial
exploration, and will to progress, will changes be made.
Secondly, some
recommendations bore directly on the status-function dichotomy
we have observed through the Army’s (and the Church’s)
history. Under
this heading we could place those referring to Covenant and
Undertakings, open-ended or short-term commissions, diverse
models of spiritual leadership and tent-making ministry.
Concerning
the status of officership there was an inherent tension
between two of the Commission’s terms of Reference: to
strengthen the ideal of life-time service and to explore the
possibilities of short-term service. The first would shore up
the “clerical” assumptions behind officership; the second
would permit a greater degree of flexibility based on an
“all-lay” ethos. General Gowans opted for the former,
perpetuating the two-tier model, both tiers performing the
same ministry roles but only one with the status of
officership, with Lieutenant becoming a warranted rank to
replace those of Envoy and Auxiliary Captain. Gowans was
unable to commit the Army to a solely “functional” model, and
the movement continues to try to have it both ways.
The
Commission was not set up to address the issue of
clericalisation, so it is not surprising that it did not
resolve the tensions between The Salvation Army’s theology and
its ecclesiology apparent throughout its history. It was
intended to suggest solutions to practical, organisational
problems arising from the tensions between an institutional
structure, its evolving constituents and its ever changing
milieu. In particular, it sought to modify those service
conditions which were bringing pressure to bear on officers
and making it harder to recruit and retain officers in some
territories. However, those conditions and tensions are to
some extent the result of and inseparable from the process we
have described as clericalisation. Pragmatic rejigging of
regulations without recognising and adequately taking into
account the underlying sociological and ecclesiological
processes involved, is dealing with symptoms without
addressing causes. Such measures may meet the need of the
hour, or of a decade or two, but do not go far enough to help
regroup the Army for the battles of the coming century.
Conclusions
The
Salvation Army had three options regarding clerical status:
1. There
are
priests/clerics/people in orders in the Church, with a status
distinct from that of the laity, but we
do not have them in
The Salvation Army.
This would mean The
Salvation Army’s acceptance of an “all lay" status for its
soldiers and officers and a second class clergy status for its
officers, acknowledging itself to be something like an order
or an ecclesiola in
ecclesia rather than a “church” or “denomination”.
For Booth it was not enough that his officers should be
regarded as Deacons and Deaconesses, members of an inferior
order.
2. There
are
priests/clerics/people in orders in the Church, and we
do have them as
officers in The Salvation Army.
The adoption of
“ordination” by Arnold Brown, and the claim that the Army’s
commissioning had always been equivalent to ordination,
amounted to this position. This seemed to be an attempt to
endorse officially what Salvationists had come to accept in
practice over many years, without being very clear about what
was meant by it. The confusion that has grown up on this issue
within The Salvation Army is, as has been suggested, partly a
result of ambiguity about church order inherited from
Methodism, and partly from a desire to be accepted by other
Christian denominations as one of them.
3. There are
no
priests/clerics/orders in the Church, and The Salvation Army
does not aspire to
any. All Christians are “lay”, in the sense that all belong to
the people of God, without distinction of status.
Booth in fact made it
clear on more than one occasion that this was his theoretical
position; his theology required it. However, the Army’s
ecclesiology was shaped instead by Booth’s autocratic
temperament, the need for organisation, the twin demons of
militarism and bureaucracy, the susceptibility of human nature
to pride and ambition, along with historically conditioned
expectations. All these meant that the leadership function, as
always, appropriated to itself a dominant role and assumed a
regular status. The difficulty lies in the tension between the
Salvation Army’s hierarchical institutional structure and the
“Priesthood of all Believers” ethos inherited from its radical
Protestant antecedents.
In a word, The Salvation Army has “clericalised”.
I suggest
that the tendency to clericalisation has had two related
adverse effects on the Church, and, on The Salvation Army.
Firstly,
clericalism fosters a
spirit incompatible with the “servanthood” Jesus taught and
modelled; it is inimical to the kind of community Jesus
appeared to call together.
Secondly, clericalisation
by concentrating power and influence in the hands of a
minority, disempowers the great majority of members of the
Church. It can therefore diminish the Church’s effectiveness
in its mission of evangelising and serving the world.
It might be possible in fact to argue that the
effectiveness of function is in inverse proportion to status
claimed.[66]
How
might the
effect of clericalisation
be
moderated? We
might consider this question under three headings, concerning
firstly the vocation of the officer as an individual, secondly
the role of the officer, and thirdly the relationship of the
officer to the organisation.
1.
The Officer’s Vocation
Over the
years the Reformation concept of all believers having a
calling has been narrowed to a clerical focus, into which the
Army has bought. A newer generation is less willing to accept
this. To maintain officer recruitment the Army therefore has a
choice of what in the Catholic Church is called the
“restorationist agenda”, attempting to set the clock back, and
emphasising the status of officership, or the alternative is
to give full value to the vocation of officership as one
ministry option without, by implication, devaluing other
callings.
2.
The Officer’s Roles in the Organisation
The debate referred to
already and the book,
Servants Together show that a variety of attempts to
define the officer role over against that of soldiers all came
to grief over the basic presupposition, derived from our
rejection of any hint of sacerdotalism, that there was nothing
done by an officer that could not be done by a soldier.
It is necessary to fall back on Cecil Waters’ dictum
that officership is simply the way in which we choose to
organise the Army; it has no sacred dimension in itself. It is
about leadership.
Given the military metaphor on which the Army is structured,
and the necessity of leadership in any human endeavour, it is
necessary to ask how we can ensure leadership without the
abuse of power to which a hierarchical system is especially
vulnerable. Without structural safeguards, all talk of
“servant leadership” too easily becomes an instrument of
spiritual abuse; systemic privilege and power must be
circumscribed. It is true, however, that servant-leader
behaviour flows only from servant-leader attitudes, and
attitudes are notoriously unamenable to legislation. They have
to be caught as well as taught, by the example of what Paul
called “working together”, by way of contrast with “ruling
over”.[67]
Both
structural and attitudinal change is required for this to
happen.
3.
The Officer’s Covenant
and Undertakings
The Undertakings
signed by the officer commit the individual to a number of
conditions intended to ensure his or her full availability to
the service, equivalent for example to celibacy for the
Catholic priesthood. I would argue that the conditions of
officer service have helped create status, in so far as they
have set officers apart from other Salvationists. We have seen
that this was deliberately fostered, along with all the other
devices used to create morale and
esprit de corps.
In my view this has now become counterproductive, in
that these conditions no longer serve that purpose for people
who are already officers and make more difficult the
recruitment of their replacements.
The other significance
of the Undertakings is that with the officer’s explicit
renunciation of any legal claim to remuneration or other
benefits of employed status, they are the cornerstone of the
Army’s sharing the “employed by God” status enjoyed by the
clergy of most churches.
We have seen that this has until now served to
safeguard the Army against legal action by its officers.
However, it is an anachronism left over from the Theodosian
polity of Christendom, and coming under increasing pressure in
secular societies.
Rather than trying to
hang on to a soi disant
clerical status which is irrelevant to the needs of the modern
world, we could accept that officers are employees, their
covenant no different from that of soldiers in the Army’s
service. At the same time, we could accord officer rank to
anyone in a leadership roles normally exercised by an officer.
This rationalisation would end the two-tier structure whereby
some officers are more equal than others and the anomaly
whereby a “mere” soldier can be the leader and focal
representative of the Army in a whole community. Rank and
status would lose their pseudo-theological rationale.
Leadership is indispensable to the effectiveness of a
movement. It is not suggested that structure be abolished; the
nature of human affairs is that structures will happen anyway,
and their having some continuity, accountability and
legitimacy may be necessary to help mitigate the effect of
unrestrained personal power. As O’Dea says, “charismatic
authority is inherently unstable and… its transformation into
institutionalised leadership is necessary for the survival of
the group.”[68]
But if institutionalisation is inevitable, the prophetic
critique, the Reformation’s
ecclesia semper
reformanda, is equally necessary. This section of the
Conclusion has attempted to propose some small changes in how
the vocation of officership is viewed, in how the role of
officership is expressed and in the conditions of
officer-service, all with a view to moderating the clericalist
tendency. Such comparatively minor modifications to
Salvationist culture, some structural, some attitudinal, might
at least contribute to the process of re-founding, necessary
to the future of The Salvation Army.
However,
these suggested changes do not amount to any more than
“tinkering”, while it may be that the challenges facing the
Church today are of the same order as the implications of
global warming for the environment.
Postlogue
The range of ways in
which The Salvation Army in the West is attempting to come to
terms with post-modern society could be compared with various
contemporary trends in motor car design.
At one end of the spectrum there are those
manufacturers fashionably “retro” in style, deliberately
evoking the design cues of long-past glory days as a market
ploy for the present but technologically thoroughly advanced –
the recent S-type Jaguar, harking back to the classic Mark II
of the 1960’s would be a prime example.
At the other end of
the spectrum is the handful of curious “green” hybrid
petrol-electric or hydrogen-powered vehicles, showing that
manufacturers are trying to plan ahead for the day the oil
runs out. And in
between, the majority of the industry continues to make
incremental model changes from year to year as fashion
dictates in the hope of improving their market share.
Likewise, in the Salvation Army, there are the “retros” who
seek to reawaken the radical passion of the 1880’s – witness
an “Army-barmy” website, a “War College” in Vancouver, an
on-line Journal of
Aggressive Christianity, a fashion for “Roots”
conventions, a growing network of “614” communities. Such
activists have been described as “neo-primitive salvationists”[69]
At
the other end of the spectrum there is the secret army of
those who have gone AWOL, of those who would prefer to disavow
the whole military metaphor as inimical to the spirit of the
age, for whom every convention is up for grabs and every
received truth open to re-negotiation; who believe that the
“oil is running out” for the institutional church. They are of
that great company from every denomination who have taken
their faith with them when they have left the church.[70]
Many are “church-burnt” and are unlikely to return to the
ranks under existing conditions. They nevertheless represent
enormous potential for some future form of the Church, because
they are attempting to work out in practice what it means to
be Christian in a secular society without any of the
traditional supports or conventions, or are in some cases
involved in new, experimental forms of Christian community or
‘emergent church’. Behind the lines is always a dangerous
place to do the fighting, and casualties are likely to be
high.
And
in between, the majority of Salvation Army units try to
maintain market share, sometimes by soldiering on and trying
to hold the line against change, and sometimes by borrowing
whatever seems to be working somewhere else – usually from
some fashionable US megachurch, or trying to implement the
current gospel of “church growth” or “natural church growth” –
or attempting to become a generic “community church”.[71]
Despite huge effort and some
outstanding successes, they tend in the main to be either just
holding their ground or are retreating.
The casualties are high here too.
The kind of leadership
or officership required by each of these models is likely to
differ markedly. For the third of these models the present
conception of officership could continue to do duty, still
with its tension and ambiguity on the question of status and
function.
However, retaining such a theological hybrid may continue to
give rise to the same kinds of inconsistency and inequity we
have observed in the past, and limit the ability of the Army
to harness fully the resources of its non-officer personnel.
The neo-primitive Salvationists, on the other hand,
might just possibly stake out the original conception of a
“lay” Salvation Army and, for the time being at least, resist
the process of clericalisation. Status is of less significance
in the trenches than on the parade ground.
The “Underground Army” is unlikely to have officers of
any kind, and be less interested in questions of
accountability or apostolicity.
In these
days of exponential change, when a cultural generation in the
West is reckoned at less than seven years, it would be foolish
to assume that the present fragmentation and individualism
experienced in western life, including religious life, will
not swing back towards a desperate search for certainty and
authority, for which a restorationist theology, or perhaps
neo-primitive Salvationism, might be tailor-made. But there is
also the possibility that only the underground church will
survive the coming storm.
If
we recall that almost every revival of Christian religion in
the past has involved a reaction against priestly presumption
and a renewal of lay power and activity, it may be that the
Salvation Army’s best hope is to rediscover this aspect of its
original genius. This is the age of irregulars, not of parade
grounds or set piece battles. Like William Booth, one hundred
and forty years ago, it would be necessary for The Salvation
Army to admit that it did not know where it was going, but
that would not matter.
The institutional Church always seems to be bound by
the answers to the previous age’s questions. It might be
better, David Pawson’s words, to “find out what the Holy
Spirit is doing and join in.”[72]
[2]
Matthew 20:25-28, Matthew 23:8-10.
[3]
Walter Brueggemann,
The Prophetic
Imagination, Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 2nd
edn. 2001, p.22) says “it is clear that the militancy
and radicalism of the earliest churches was soon
compromised” and cites John Gager, (Kingdom
and Community: The Social World of Early Christianity,
Englewood Cliffs NJ, Prentice-Hall, 1975) for the
argument that “if they had not changed to embrace
culture to some extent, they would have disappeared as
a sectarian oddity.”
[4]
Martin Luther, “An Open Letter to the Christian
Nobility of the German Nation”, 1520.
Works of Martin
Luther. Philadelphia, A.J. Holman Coy., 1915.
[5]
Emil Brunner, The Christian Doctrine of the Church,
Faith and the Consummation: Dogmatics, Vol III.
London, Lutterworth, 1962, p.98-99.
[6]
E.L. Mascall,
The Recovery of Unity: A Theological Approach.
London, Longmans, 1958 p.5.
[7]
Larry Martens, “Anabaptist Theology and Congregational
Care”.
Direction Journal, Spring 1992, Vol. 21 No. 1,
pp.3-14.
[8]
Bryan Wilson,
Religion in Secular Society. London, C.A. Watts,
1966, p.136.
[9]
G.S. Railton,
Heathen England. London, 2nd edn. 1878,
p.22.
[10]
Ronald Knox,
Enthusiasm. OUP, Oxford, 1950, p.403.
[11]
Christian Mission Conference Minutes, 1870.
[12]
The War Cry,
17 January 1883, p.4, col. 2.
[13]
R. David Rightmire,
Sacraments and
the Salvation Army: Pneumatological Foundations.
Metuchen, NJ, The Scarecrow Press, 1990.
[14]
Booth took over from his American revivalist exemplars
the practice of the “altar call” when penitents were
invited to kneel at the front of the hall. At first a
simple form or row of chairs sufficed to kneel at, but
despite protestations that the place itself was of no
merit, the “Mercy Seat” became sacred furniture. A
1908 article on “The Proper Use and Care of the
Penitent Form”, described the new style introduced at
the recently opened West Green Citadel in London. “The
floor surrounding the Mercy Seat is slightly raised
and enclosed by heavy red cords, which are easily
removed when the form is in use." (The
Field Officer, September 1908, pp.327-8.)
[15]
The Salvation Army Directory, No II, London, 1900,
p.62.
[16]
G.S. Railton,
Heathen England, p.144.
[17]
W. Bramwell Booth,
Servants
of All.
London, 1900, pp.93-9.
[18]
George Scott Railton,
General Booth,
London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1912, p.17.
[19]
Catherine Bramwell Booth,
Bramwell Booth.
London, Rich & Cowan, 1932, p.492.
[20]
Norman Murdoch,
Origins of
The Salvation Army. Knoxville, University of
Tennessee Press, 1994,
p.91.
[21]
Christian Mission Magazine, July 1877, p.172.
[22]
George Scott Railton,
op.cit.,
p.17.
[23]
William Booth in
The Officer,
June 1899, pp.202-3.
[24]
The War Cry,
22 January 1898, p.9, col.3.
[25]
The phrase is Catherine Bramwell Booth’s:
Bramwell Booth,
p.221.
[26]
Robert Sandall,
History of The Salvation Army. London, Nelson 1950.
2, p.126.
[27]
Orders and Regulations for The Salvation Army, London,
1878, p.8.
[28]
Letter of 24 February 1899, in Catherine Bramwell
Booth, op.cit.,
p.218.
[29]
William Booth, Letter to Commissioners and Territorial
Commanders. 1900, p.15.
[30]
Harold Begbie,
Booth. II, p.306.
[31]
St. John Ervine,
God’s Soldier,
General William Booth. London, Heinemann, 1934.
II, pp.777-8.
[32]
Roland Robertson, “The Salvation Army”, in Bryan
Wilson,
Patterns of Sectarianism. London, Heinemann, 1967,
p.80.
[33]
The Officer,
September 1915, p.579.
[34]
W. Bramwell Booth,
Echoes and
Memories. London, Hodder & Stoughton, [1925] 2nd
edn. 1977, p.82.
[35]
The War Cry,
19 September 1914, p.7. (Cited by Shaw Clifton, PhD
thesis, The
Salvation Army’s Actions and Attitudes in War Time
1889-1945, Kings College, London 1989, p.215.)
[36]
Roland Robertson,
op.cit.,
pp.49-105.
[37]
Donald McGavran,
Understanding
Church Growth. Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1970,
pp.262-275.
[38]
Quoted by J.H. Plumb,
England in the
Eighteenth Century. Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1950,
p.97.
[39]
1929: 15,163 corps and 25,427 officers. 2004: 15,339
officers and 25,716.
[40]
Bryan Wilson (Ed.),
op.cit.,
p.24.
[41]
T.F. O’Dea, The
Sociology of Religion. Englewood Cliffs NJ,
Prentice-Hall, 1966, p.91.
[42]
Roger L. Green, “The Salvation Army and the
Evangelical Tradition”,
Word and Deed,
May, 2003, p.61.
[43]
The Officer,
July 1969, p.452.
[44]
ibid., July
1976, pp.289-90.
[45]
ibid.,
October 1985, pp.438-40.
[46]
ibid., May
1993, pp.214-5.
[47]
The
Salvationist, 18 April 1998.
[48]
ibid., 20
May 1989, p.5.
[49]
The Officer,
July 1992, p.317.
[50]
Letter of 30 May 1978 in IHQ Archives.
[52]
Named for the city in which took place the final
conference producing the document.
[53]
Faith and Order Paper 137,
p.256.
[54]
Philip Needham,
Community in Mission, London, 1987, pp.4-5.
[55]
Philip Needham,
ibid., p.65.
[56]
Salvation Story,
London, 1998, p.100.
[58]
Servants
Together, London, 2002, p.127.
[59]
Minutes of the 1971 International Council of Leaders,
p.54.
[61]
See for example, Mary Ann Glendon, “The Hour of the
Laity”. First
Things, 127, November 2002,
pp.23-29, or John T. Pless, “Vocation: Where
Liturgy and Ethics Meet”.
Journal of
Lutheran Ethics, Vol.2 No.5, May 13th
2002.
[62]
I cannot claim this seriously inappropriate pun on
John Knox as my own; Lt. Colonel Bernard Watson has
anticipated me, for a chapter heading in his centenary
history of the Army.
(A
Hundred Years War, London, Hodder & Stoughton
1964, p.28.)
[63]
The Officer,
August 1914, pp.509-10. (Florence was wife of Bramwell
Booth.)
[64]
Andrew Mark Eason,
Women in God’s
Army. Waterloo, Ontario, Wilfred Laurier
University Press, 2003, p.152.
[65]
Norman Howe, “The International Commission on
Officership, A Report”,
The Officer,
August 1999, p.19.
[66]
This analysis refers particularly to the Army in the
post-Christendom, post-modern, western world. The
present growth spurt in the developing world may
relate to the fact that less individualistic
societies, with a generally stronger culture of
belonging and a traditional respect for authority,
still relate more easily to the hierarchical, military
structure of the Army.
[68]
Thomas O’Dea, The Sociology of Religion. p.49
[69]
Shaw Clifton, “What on Earth is Neo-Primitive
Salvationism?” The Coutts Memorial
Lecture given at the Salvation Army College of Further
Education, Sydney NSW, July 2003.
[70]
See Alan Jamieson,
A Churchless
Faith. Wellington, Garside, 2000; Alan Jamieson,
Called Again: In and Beyond the
Deserts of Faith,
Wellington, Garside, 2004; or
such websites as http://www.dechurched.com/.
[71]
See for example, John Larsson,
How Your Corps
Can Grow, London 1988, or Tim
Beadle and Joel Matthews, Let the Son Shine Out: Let
God’s Church Find its Place in Your Community. Toronto
ONT, 2000.
[72]
David Pawson, freelance British house-church leader,
speaking in Queenstown, NZ,
9 January 1986.
|